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民主模式与媒介批评赵月枝西蒙弗雷泽大学加拿大国家研究教授与上次讲座相关的文章•赵月枝：《传播政治经济学研究前沿与路径》，范敬宜、李彬（编），《马克思主义新闻观15讲》，北京：清华大学出版社，2007，页235-258。•赵月枝、邢国欣，《传播政治经济学》，刘曙明、洪浚浩（编），《传播学》，北京：中国人民大学出版社，2007，页511-538。一、媒体批评定义：按不同的民主模式对媒体表现进行系统检视与衡量的一个研究领域•广义媒体批评：面对整个媒体系统和结构•狭义媒体批评：根据“公认”的标准或规范对媒体内容进行系统检视与衡量媒体研究史上著名的例子:•李普曼和CharlesMertz对NYT有关十月革命的报道的分析•CommissiononFreedomofPress,1947：一个自由与负责的报业•UNESCOsponsored“televisiontraffic:aonewaystreet?”／《一个世界，多种声音》二、“民主是个好东西”,但什么是民主？BasicSemiotics:Twodimensionsofasign•Denotation•Connotation三种民主模式及相应的媒介批评1.TheMarketLiberalPerspectiveonMediaandDemocracyViewsdemocracynotasanendinitself,butasnormallythebestinstitutionalarrangementtomaintainpoliticalstabilityandindividualrights,particularlyeconomicrightsofownership,contractandexchange.Althoughmarketliberalsoftenadoptapopuliststance,theiremphasisonprivateconsumptionratherthanpublicvirtuemesheswithanelitistversionofdemocracy,classicallyarticulatedbySchumpeter(1942).Inthisview,democracyisaprocedureforselectingleaders,withcitizenparticipationconfinedmainlytovotingeveryfewyears--essentially,theroleofconsumersinapoliticalmarketplace.Mediainthismodelareregardedbasicallyasotherindustries,bestleftunregulatedbygovernmentsoastorespondtoconsumerpreferencesinthemarketplace;Themaincivilroleofmediaistoactasawatchdogongovernment,whichisconsideredthemainthreattoindividualfreedom.IfmarketliberalseeademocraticdeficitinWesternmedia,theyattributeitmainlytostateinterventioninthemediasector(particularlypublicservicebroadcasting),and/ortotheperceivedleftistbiasesofjournalistsProblems:dismissalofpublicparticipation,lackofattentiononprivatepower2.ThePublicSphereLiberalPerspectiveonMediaandDemocracy•Placehighervalueoncitizenparticipationinpublicdeliberation,andcallsonthemediatohelpconstituteapublicsphere--thatrealmofsociallifewheretheexchangeofinformationandviewsonquestionsofcommonconcerncantakeplacesothatpublicopinioncanbeformed“•Media'sdemocraticrolesincludeprovidingeachsignificantgroupwithaforumtoarticulateanddevelopitsinterests;facilitatingthesearchforsociety-widepoliticalconsensusbybeinguniversallyaccessibleandinclusive;andreconstitutingprivatecitizensasapublicbodyintheformofpublicopinion•ManypublicsphereliberalsperceiveamalaiseincontemporaryEuropeanandAmericandemocracy--decliningvoterparticipation,publicmistrustandcynicismtowardsgovernment,disconnectionbetweenpoliticians'andpublic'sagendas,trivializationofpoliticaldiscourse•Focuscriticismonmediapractices,lessonmediastructure:tabloidizationandinfotainment,thefragmentationofmediaaudiencesaschannelsproliferateunderminedthecohesionofthepublicsphere,andfacilitatedapoliticsofdivision•Journalists'struggleforautonomyfrompoliticians'spindoctorshasdriventhemtoasemi-adversarialstance,focussingonpoliticians'strategiesandscandalsratherthansubstantivepolicies.ThepublicjournalismmovementintheUSasanexampletorevitalizethemedia’spublicsphererole.•Whilepublicsphereliberalsoftenfavoursuchreformofmediapractices,theytendnottoraisefundamentalquestionsaboutmedia'smarket-orientedcorporatestructures,andstilllessthesocialandpoliticalorderofcapitalistliberal-democracies3.TheRadicalPerspectiveonMediaandDemocracy•Ifmarketliberalsemphasizeindividuallibertiesandrestrictionsongovernmentpower,andpublicsphereliberalshighlightpublicdeliberationaboutpolicy,radicaldemocratsaddathirddimension--athoroughgoingviewofdemocracyasnotjustasetofproceduralrulesoraformofgovernment,butatypeofsocietyfreeofclassandotherformsofdominationandasocietalenvironmentwhichnourishesdevelopmentalpower--everyone'sequalrighttothefulldevelopmentanduseoftheircapabilities(C.B.McPherson,1965,1977),i.e,afreeassociationofhumanbeingsinwhich“thefreedevelopmentofeachindividualistheconditionforthefreedevelopmentofall”:“每个人的自由发展，是一切人的自由发展的条件。”•Suchastandpointseeksnotjusttoreinvigoraterepresentativedemocracy,buttopromotemoredirectparticipationindecision-making,notonlyinpolitics,butalsotheeconomyandcivilsociety.•Radicaldemocratsfavournotonlypoliticalequality,butalsothemoreequitabledistributionofcultural,socialandeconomicresources.•Regardpowerrelationsasantagonisticinsocietieswithstructuredinequalities;eveninprosperouscapitalistdemocracies,politicalandeconomicelitesmayhaveinterestsinconflictwiththesubordinatepopulation.•Moreover,powerisanalyzedholistically:ademocraticpublicspherecannotbeinsulatedfrompowerhierarchiesembeddedinstate,economy,genderandrace;solongastheyexist,theywilltendtoundermineequalityofvoiceinthepublicsphere•Radicaldemocratsendorsethewatchdogandpublicspheremodelsintheprevioustwomodels.•Moreover,theyexpectademocraticmediasystemtocounter-actpowerinequalitieswithinthesocialorder,andtoenablehorizontalcommunicationbetweensubordinategroups,includingprogressivesocialmovementsasagentsofdemocraticrenewal三、以激进民主观为模式的媒介批评俞可平:“民主最实质性的意义，就是人民的统治，人民的选择。”但“人民”是分阶层和阶级的,因此问题核心在于民主与阶级的关系,或者说，是阶级社会里的民主问题但是，我们如何面对“阶级”？本人相关文章：“国家、市场与社会:从全球视野和批判角度审视中国传播与权力的关系”《传播与社会学刊》2(2007),pp.23-50。相关社会学观点，沈原：《市场、阶级与社会》（２００７:５－６）：“在改革前的近３０年中，“阶级”已经是一个被用滥的字眼。一提起“阶级”和“阶级斗争”，就难免使人联想起差不多与那个年代中每一个社会成员的个人遭遇，以及与整个民族的深重灾难联系在一起的大大小小、数不胜数的悲惨事件