TheDesignofTransnationalPublicGoodMechanismsforDevelopingCountriesJean-JacquesLaontyandDavidMartimortzRevisedVersion:October13,2003AbstractWeanalyzethedesignofincentivemechanismsfortheprovisionoftransnationalpublicgoodsunderasymmetricinformation.Transnationalpublicgoodsareinfras-tructuresthatnosinglecountrycanaordtobuiltforitself.Weshowthattheexternalconstraintsimposedbythismechanismmayaectconsumption,pricingandthetrueredistributiveconcernsoflocalgovernments.Wequantifythecorre-spondingdistortions.Wealsodiscusstheimpactofthepreferencesforredistributionoftheinternationalagencyinchargeofdesigningthemechanismandtheroleofitsabilitytoenforcethatmechanism.Keywords:TransnationalPublicGoods,IncentiveMechanisms.JELCodes:H41,D82.WethankPaulinaBeatoforsuggestingthisresearchandPierreDuboisforveryusefulcommentsonanearlierversion.Tworefereesmadeinsightfulcommentswhichhavemuchimprovedthepaper.Theusualdisclaimerapplies.yUniversitdeToulouse,(IDEI,GREMAQ,ARQADE)andUniversityofSouthCaliforniaatLosAngeles.zUniversitdeToulouse(IDEI,GREMAQ)andInstitutUniversitairedeFrance.11IntroductionItiswellrecognizedbynow,bothamongpractitionersandscholars,thatproperinfras-tructuresarekeytoeconomicdevelopment.Severalempiricalstudiesillustratetheimpactofinfrastructuresoneconomicgrowth.1A1%increaseinthestockofinfrastructurescanincreaseGDPbyupto.20%.Despitethisimportance,somecountrieshavefacedasignicantshortageinaccessingtocrucialinfrastructures.Forinstance,thestockandqualitylevelsofinfrastructuresinLatinAmericaandCaribbeancountrieshaslostsigni-cantgroundrelativetoEastAsiaandOECDcountries.Toillustratethatpoint,CalderonandServen(2002)showthat,from1980to1997,theLatinAmericainfrastructuregaprelativetoEastAsiagrewby40%forroads,70%fortelecommunicationsandnearly90%forpowergeneration.Theyarguethatthiswideninginfrastructuregapcanaccountfornearly25%oftheLatinAmerica'sGDPoutputgaprelativetotheEastAsianeconomiesoverthe1980-2000period.Inresponsetothis,andgiventhescarcityofpublicfundsinLDCs,2mostdevelopingcountrieshaveturnedtotheforeignprivatesectorfornancingandoperatinginfrastruc-ture.However,anumberofdicultieshaveemergedfromthisstrategy.First,somecountrieshavefailedtoattractforeigninvestments.Second,eventhosewhosucceededhavesometimesfacedahighrateofrenegotiationforthesecontracts.3Initiatedbygov-ernmentsorconcessionnaries,thoserenegotiationshaveoftencreatedpublicoppositiontowhatissometimespresented,forwaterconcessionsinparticular,asalossofsovereignty.Whateverthestrengthofthemotivationsbehindthesepublicpositions,alternativewaysofnancinginfrastructuresshouldbelookedfor.HowtoreconciletheneedformoreinvestmentinpublicinfrastructuresandtheaspirationofLDCsforaclosecontroloftheirpublicservicesisamajorpoliticalquestiontoday.CooperationamongsmallLDCs,suchasthoseofCentralAmericaoroftheMediter-aneanRim,mightbeapotentialsolution.Sometimestheleast-costapproachtoimprov-ingthesupplyofinfrastructureservicesrequirescross-countryintegrationofnetworksorsharedaccesstoacommonresource.Thisiscertainlythecaseforinfrastructureprojectsthatariseoutofthegrowthofcommerceandtrade.Examplesincluderoadandrailnetworks,powergrids4andtelecommunicationnetworks.Thisisalsothecase1SeeforthecaseofLatinAmerica,Calderon,EasterlyandServen(2002)andCalderonandServen(2002)amongothers.2ArecentreportbytheWorldBankmentioned\Whentimesarehard,capitalspendingoninfrastruc-tureistherstitemtogo...Despitethelong-termeconomicscostsofslashinginfrastructurespending,governmentsnditlesspoliticallycostlythanreducingpublicemploymentorwages.WorldDevelopmentReport1994,p.19.3SeeGuasch,LaontandStraub(2002).4AtypicalexampleofsuchajointprojectistheItaipuhydroelectricitypowerplantontheBrasilian-Paraguayborder.Togiveanideaofthescaleofsuchaproject,thatdamcorrespondsto25%ofenergy2forprojectswhicharelesscommercially-drivensuchthatinvestmentsinenvironmentalprotectionandthemanagementofsharedresourcessuchaswater.5Thispaperdevelopsatheoreticalframeworkforexploringtheallocativeanddistributiveconsequencesofthosetransnationalcoordinations.Infrastructuresoftenentailxedcostswhicharesolargethatnosinglecountrycanaordtobuildtheinfrastructurealone.Thosexedcostsmustbesharedbyseveralcoun-tries.Infrastructurescanthusbeviewedaspublicgoodsforwhichnancingmechanismsmustbeagreeduponbythepartnersoftheprojects.Thisperspectiveraisesofcoursetheuglyheadofthefree-riderproblemwhichariseswhenanecientCoasianbargainingfails.Suchinecienciesareparticularlyrelevantincontextsplaguedbyinformationalasymmetries.Agenerallessonfromtheliteratureonpublicgoodmechanismsdevelopedoverthelastthirtyyearsisthat,underasymmetricinformation,theoptimalmechanismcallsingeneralfordeviationsawayfromtherst-best.Inourcontext,acountrymaypretendhavingalowerwillingnesstopayforthepublicgoodthanwhatithasreallytominimizeitsowncontributionandletpartnersbearthebulkofinvestment.Tocurbthoseincentives,theprojectshouldbesometimesgivenupeventhoughitwouldhavebeenoptimaltobuilditundercompleteinformation.Thisimportantinsighthasbeensofarderivedbylookingattheprovisionofapublicgoodforindiv