The-Economic-Organisation-of-a-P.O.W.-Camp

TheEconomicOrganisationofaP.O.W.CampR.A.Radford,Economica,vol.12,1945IntroductionAfterallowancehasbeenmadeforabnormalcircumstances,thesocialinstitutions,ideasandhabitsofgroupsintheoutsideworldaretobefoundreflectedinaPrisonerofWarCamp.Itisanunusualbutavitalsociety.Oneaspectofsocialoganizationistobefoundineconomicactivity,andthis,alongwithothermanifestationsofagroupexistence,istobefoundinanyP.O.W.camp.True,aprisonerisnotdependentonhisexertionsfortheprovisionofthenecessaries,oreventheluxuriesoflife,butthroughhiseconomicactivity,theexchangeofgoodsandservices,hisstandardofmaterialcomfortisconsiderablyenhanced.Andthisisaseriousmattertotheprisoner:heisnotplayingatshopseventhoughthesmallscaleofthetransactionsandthesimpleexpressionofcomfortandwantsintermsofcigarettesandjam,razorbladesandwritingpaper,maketheurgencyofthoseneedsdifficulttoappreciate,evenbyanex-prisonerofsomethreemonths'standing.Nevertheless,itcannotbetoostronglyemphasisedthateconomicactivitiesdonotbulksolargeinprisonsocietyastheydointhelargerworld.Therecanbelittleproduction;ashasbeensaidtheprisonerisindependentofhisexertionsfortheprovisionofthenecessitiesandluxuriesoflife;theemphasisliesinexchangeandthemediaofexchange.Everyonereceivesaroughlyequalshareofessentials;itisbytradethatindividualpreferencesaregivenexpressionandcomfortincreased.Allatsometime,andmostpeopleregularly,makeexchangesofonesortoranother.AlthoughaP.O.W.campprovidesalivingexampleofasimpleeconomywhichmightbeusedasanalternativetotheRobinsonCrusoeeconomybelovedbythetextbooks,anditssimplicityrendersthedemonstrationofcertaineconomichypothesesbothamusingandinstructive,itissuggestedthattheprincipalsignificanceissociological.True,thereisinterestinobservingthegrowthofeconomicinstitutionsandcustomsinabrandnewsociety,smallandsimpleenoughtopreventdetailfromobscuringthebasicpatternanddisequilibriumfromobscuringtheworkingofthesystem.Buttheessentialinterestliesintheuniversalityandthespontaneityofthiseconomiclife;itcameintoexistencenotbyconsciousimitationbutasaresponsetotheimmediateneedsandcircumstances.Anysimilaritybetweenprisonorganizationandoutsideoganizationarisesfromsimilarstimulievokingsimilarresponses.Thefollowingisasbriefanaccountoftheessentialdataasmayrenderthenarrativeintelligible.ThecampsofwhichthewriterhadexperiencewereOflagsandconsequentlytheeconomywasnotcomplicatedbypaymentsforworkbythedetainingpower.Theyconsistednormallyofbetween1,000and2,500people,housedinanumberofseparatebutintercommunicatingbungalows,onecompanyof200orsotoabuilding.Eachcompanyformedagroupwithinthemainorganizationandinsidethecompanytheroomandthemessingsyndicate,avoluntaryandspontaneousgroupwhofedtogether,formedtheconstituentunits.Betweenindividualstherewasactivetradinginallconsumergoodsandinsomeservices.Mosttradingwasforfoodagainstcigarettesorotherfoodstuffs,butcigarettesrosefromthestatusofanormalcommoditytothatofcurrency.RMk.sexistedbuthadnocirculationsaveforgamblingdebts,asfewarticlescouldbepurchasedwiththemfromthecanteen.Oursuppliesconsistedofrationsprovidedbythedetainingpowerand(principally)thecontentsofRedCrossfoodparcels–tinnedmilk,jam,butter,biscuits,bully,chocolate,sugar,etc.,andcigarettes.Sofarthesuppliestoeachpersonwereequalandregular.Privateparcelsofclothing,toiletrequisitesandcigaretteswerealsoreceived,andhereequalityceasedowingtothedifferentnumbersdespatchedandthevagariesofthepost.Allthesearticleswerethesubjectoftradeandexchange.ThedevelopmentandorganizationofthemarketVerysoonaftercapturepeoplerealizedthatitwasbothundesirableandunnecessary,inviewofthelimitedsizeandtheequalityofsupplies,togiveawayortoacceptgiftsofcigarettesorfood.Goodwilldevelopedintotradingasamoreequitablemeansofmaximizingindividualsatisfaction.WereachedatransitcampinItalyaboutafortnightaftercaptureandreceived1/4ofaRedCrossfoodparceleachaweeklater.Atonceexchanges,alreadyestablished,multipliedinvolume.Startingwithsimpledirectbarter,suchasanon-smokergivingasmokerfriendhiscigaretteissueinexchangeforachocolateration,morecomplexexchangessoonbecameanacceptedcustom.Storiescirculatedofapadrewhostartedoffroundthecampwithatinofcheeseandfivecigarettesandreturnedtohisbedwithacompleteparcelinadditiontohisoriginalcheeseandcigarettes;themarketwasnotyetperfect.Withinaweekortwo,asthevolumeoftradegrew,roughscalesofexchangevaluescameintoexistence.Sikhs,whohadatfirstexchangedtinnedbeefforpracticallyanyotherfoodstuff,begantoinsistonjamandmargarine.Itwasrealizedthatatinofjamwasworth1/2lb.ofmargarineplussomethingelse;thatacigaretteissuewasworthseveralchocolatesissues,andatinofdicedcarrotswasworthpracticallynothing.Inthiscampwedidnotvisitotherbungalowsverymuchandpricesvariedfromplacetoplace;hencethegermoftruthinthestoryoftheitinerantpriest.Bytheendofamonth,whenwereachedourpermanentcamp,therewasalivelytradeinallcommoditiesandtheirrelativevalueswerewellknown,andexpressednotintermsofoneanother–onedidn'tquotebullyintermsofsugar–butintermsofcigarettes.Thecigarettebecamethestandardofvalue.Inthepermanentcamppeoplestartedbywanderingthroughthebungalowscallingtheiroffers–ch